FREE ESSAY ON ZULU CLAN

ZULU CLAN

In the 1820's, during a period of social unrest and warfare, the Zulu clan, a Bantu
people, rose to political prominence under the great King Shaka in present-day South
Africa. This period is called mfecane, or crushing because it was characterized by
Shaka's tyrannous reign during which he conquered neighboring peoples and established a
kingdom for the Zulu people on South Africa's eastern coast. The word zulu was used in
1824 to refer to  a war-like race of South African Blacks. (Ngubane, 1977) The British
characterization of Shaka as a monster, however, is now seen as a propagandist attempt to
disguise their own interests in procuring land and labor in the region. In fact, much of
the violent disruption and displacement of people was probably due to European
intervention with the slave trade and their demands for land, cattle. Nonetheless, Shaka
is called by many the Black Napoleon because of his short-lived, but impressive, period
of glory. This period of greatness came to an end with the eventual defeat of King Shaka
and the annexation of the Zulu kingdom to Natal, the British state on the eastern coast.
(Ngubane, 1977)
The Zulu people are now enmeshed in South Africa's modern, industrial economy and
society, with the largest population of them still in the region of KwaZulu Natal on the
eastern coast. There has been an adaptation of traditional beliefs to allow for
Christian, medical, agricultural, mechanical and other rational, scientific approaches of
the Europeans. However, despite the cultural diffusion of Western thought and religion
among the Zulu people, traditional thinking, according to Berglund (1976), is not only
still very much present in Zulu society, but is receiving more and more attention
especially by those who live in rural areas. Perhaps the survival of indigenous belief
systems is due in part to the fact that in times of crisis, people turn to tradition as a
comfort and as a means of unifying themselves. Considering the social trauma associated
with colonialism and apartheid the Zulu responded by clinging more tenaciously to their
heritage as a means of psychological survival in a society which systematically degraded
and disrespected them as a people. Berglund (1976) points out that it is the rituals and
symbols of a society which express the relationships between members of that society and
makes living in that society a meaningful experience.
The focus of this paper will be centered on traditional Zulu spiritual beliefs and, to
whatever extent possible, not those adapted to Western thought. In providing first the
basic cosmological beliefs and then moving on to the central theme of traditional
spiritual beliefs involving deceased ancestors and their role in Zulu society, my goal
will be to demonstrate how social harmony is maintained as a result of the observance of
these spiritual beliefs and practices.
According to traditional belief, uMveliqangi, the Lord of the Sky, emerged full-blown
from the reeds in the realm of the sky. Man later emerged from the reeds and was let down
to earth through a hole in the floor of the sky. This explains the origin of the Zulu
clan name, zulu meaning of the sky. The Lord of the Sky then sent a chameleon down to
earth to tell the people that they will not die. Later on, he sent a lizard to tell the
people they will die and, since the chameleon had stopped to feed on some berries along
the way, the lizard easily overtook him and delivered his message of death first. When
the chameleon later arrived, the people wouldn't believe him and thus, humans are mortal.
(Ngubane, 1977) The traditional concept of the sky is interesting, according to myth the
sky is a big blue rock stretched across the surface of the earth (which is flat). The
earth is held up on the horns of four great bulls who at times, cause earthquakes by
shaking their heads. The realm of the sky is believed to have perpetual light which
filters through the floor of the sky at night (we see these holes of light as stars).
These holes are made by the Lord of the Sky's cattle as they tramp on muddy ground during
the rainy season. This is regarded as proof of life in the realm of the sky. The sun and
the moon run their course on the underside of the sky. (Berglund, 1976)
There are three deities in traditional Zulu spirituality, uMveliqangi, the Lord of the
Sky, iNkosikazi, the Heavenly Queen, and Nomkhubulwana, the Heavenly Princess. The
Heavenly Queen is only known in very rural areas and she apparently has no major role in
the belief system of the Zulu people. 
The Lord of the Sky, as we have seen, is regarded as the first being. He is all-powerful
over nature. However, he is not worshipped except in desperate circumstances and his only
contact with the people is through lightening and rain, which are believed to come from
him. Historical evidence shows that he was once the center of the first fruits festival,
however this festival is now obsolete. There are certain mountain tops where one goes to
pray to him or the heaven-herds go to communicate with him and test their medicines
against lightening. A heaven-herd is a man who has had some encounter with lightening
either directly or by someone close to him. They become an apprentice to an experienced
heaven-herd from whom they receive special instruction and medicine to drive away
lightening. He carries with him a sort of broom which he uses to sweep away the clouds
where the lightening bird dwells (the Lord of the Sky is thought to send lightening to
earth in the form of a bird). He also carries a flute of reed to drive away storms
because the Lord of the Sky is said to recognize the reed and remember creation.
(Berglund, 1976) The heaven-herd is called as such because he is believed to tend the
clouds of the sky as if they were his herd. The Lord of the Sky is in the thoughts of the
people though they do not speak of him out loud, this is out of respect. He is regarded
as a distant and unpredictable ruler who is to be revered and feared. (Berglund, 1976)
The Heavenly Princess plays a major role in fertility or all kinds, human, livestock, and
agricultural. Every spring, women and maidens perform special rites to ensure a good
crop, healthy new calves and babies. There are groups of young girls of marrying age who
go into the mountains to perform rituals to gain her favor. She is said to appear in the
morning mist with words of advice and admonishment for young girls. She is a perpetually
youthful virgin and men are not to set eyes upon her if she appears in their presence.
(Ngubane, 1977)
Traditional Zulu make a distinction between three aspects of being. The physical body,
inyama, the spirit or life-force of man, umoya, and the personality or force of character
of man, isithunzi, which is conceived of as the shadow of man. Umoya is used to refer to
a man's instinct in concerning a given situation, one may say their umoya is not free
about such and such a decision or such and such a place. Isithunzi literally means,
shadow in Zulu. The importance of isithunzi in Zulu thought is the belief that it may be
removed by means of medicine, this is called thwebula. A man's isithunzi is thought to
bear the physical likeness of its owner, thus the captor has very dangerous powers over
the person. One's captor can make a umungcwi, a sort of ghost referred to in the
literature as a familiar, out of that person and enslave them. The concept of familiars
will be discussed in later sections. One's isithunzi can become bad (in the sense of a
bad personality) by using powerful medicines. (Vilakazi, 1965)
Once the umoya is gone out of the body, which is dying, it is believed to naturally decay
after being buried in the ground. The umoya and isithunzi, which are inseparable, are
said to go to uya kwabaphansi, those underneath. In fact, just after death the spirit (we
will use the word spirit to refer to the combination of umoya and isithunzi) hovers in
the air until a ritual called, buyiswa , meaning, to bring back, is carried out which
integrate that spirit into the community of amadlozi, ancestral spirits. In the
Underworld, where the Shades (the word Shade is used in anthropological literature on
Zulu traditional beliefs to refer to ancestral spirits) are said to live, everything is
believed to be upside down and reversed. This is why when there is a death people do
things the opposite way they normally do. Speech is reversed (saying yes when meaning
no), clothing is worn inside out, objects are turned in different directions etc.
Berglund (1976) suggests this is to help the new ancestral spirit to feel comfortable in
their new surroundings. For this reason, diviners often routinely do things in reverse.
As will be discussed later, diviners have a special connection with the Shades and want
to interact with them as much as possible therefore it makes sense they would want to
create an environment where the Shades would feel at home. To the Shades, the night is
like day, bitter is as sweet, warm is as cold, etc. This explains much more of Zulu
symbolism involving the Shades. Gall bladders are thought to attract the Shades because
the bitterness of the gall is sweet to them, therefore gall bladders are inflated and
used for various ritual purposes. This also explains why diviners don't sleep at night
because they are kept up by the Shade's dialogue because to them it is day. Although
everyone becomes a Shade, not every spirit is let into the community of ancestral
spirits. For example, those who have committed an offense and not confessed it before
death, are not allowed into the community of ancestral spirits. (Vilakazi, 1965)
The ancestral spirits play a key role in traditional Zulu society and spirituality. It is
the awareness of the constant presence of the Shades which brings spirituality into every
activity of the daily life a traditional Zulu. It is the ancestral spirits who act as
mediators between the Lord of the Sky and the surviving members of the lineage group. 
The Shades are also believed to protect and help the surviving family members, however if
they are angered they may cause temporary sickness or misfortune to fall upon those
members of the family who have erred in some way. The Shades exercise legitimate anger in
support of the moral code of law that lineage survivors are expected to follow. The
Shades are recognized as having all of the normal flaws of human nature and so they are
expected to act foolishly or irresponsible at time. For this reason people may spend much
time studying the whims and fancies of their Shades. It is customary after a death to
talk directly or indirectly to the spirit of the deceased person since it is about to
become a Shade, and to remind him/her of their task to watch over and protect the
surviving lineage members. There may be strained relationships between the Shades and
surviving lineage members which must be worked out through various rituals in order for
communion to take place. (Berglund, 1976) Diviners are essential in traditional Zulu
society because it is they who reveal where the error lies which has angered the Shades.
This will be discussed much more in depth in a later section. 
Communion with the Shades is a huge part of traditional Zulu culture. Berglund (1976, p.
102) demonstrated the intimate way in which traditional Zulu people view their
relationship with the Shades in a quote from and elderly Zulu woman who was asked about
her conception of the Shades. She said, They are in me. When they are in me, I know that
they are there. They are happy with me and I am happy with them. I think of them always.
They know I am thinking of them. There is complex ritual communion between the Shades and
the lineage members in the widest, most intimate sense of the word. There is ritual beer
drinking, during such times a large portion of beer is set aside for the Shades and it is
believed that they drink and socialize right along with the living family members. There
are special clan songs called inhubo, which are sung at special lineage occasions and
unify all the members dead and living. There is the constant remembrance of the Shades
during these events. The most important and effective from of communion with the Shades
is the ritual sacrifice. These events are looked forward to and remembered for a long
time after the event. As previously mentioned, however, these ritual communions cannot
not take place if there is strife among members of the lineage, living or Shade.
Therefore, before these events take place there is usually a speech delivered by the
lineage head, on whatever may be troubling or concerning him about happenings within the
homestead, this may be accompanied by a dance. (Berglund, 1976) There is also the ritual
of cooling with water, where the two quarreling parties are seated across from each other
in the presence of the lineage head and each is asked to explain his grievance. After
this an agreement is reached and each washes his hands in the same water. Then ashes are
mixed in the water and each take a small sip then spits it out (symbolic of spitting out
the anger) , beer is then shared and the issue is considered closed. (Ngubane, 1977)
Communion with the Shades is not limited to these great occasions either, the Shades are
considered just as much present in the homestead just as the living members. There are
specific places within the homestead which are associated with the Shades including the
back wall where there is a shrine called a umsamo, the doorway, and the cattle enclosure.
(Vilakazi, 1965) It is customary in traditional Zulu society that a good housewife leave
the cooking pots unwashed, on the floor near the back of the hut so that the Shades can
lick them. The Shades may materialize to visit their children if they wish. Male Shades
materialize in the form of a snake while female Shades take the form of house lizards.
These animals are usually revered because one never knows if they are the incarnation of
an ancestor. The most important Shades are those of the surviving lineage member's
parents and grandparents followed in importance by the uncles on the father's side of the
family. The Shades which have the ability to punish or reward are those who had these
powers in life. The spirits of people who die as minors live in the spirit world with
elder ancestors and accompany them to sacrificial occasions. The Shades of the mother are
not of importance in the homestead because she has been incorporated into her husband's
lineage through rituals of marriage. The Shades may also reveal themselves in dreams or
omens. The Shades are also said to be active in the physical body of lineage members. The
Shades are linked with concepts of fertility and the sex act itself. Male lineage Shades
are associated with seminal fluid and those of the female with menstrual blood. While the
child is in the womb, the female's ancestral Shades are believed to be nourishing it with
blood and continuing to strengthen it with seminal fluid. The Shades then continue to
work in the woman's breasts while the child is nursing to create food for the child.
(Beglund, 1976)
The other time when the Shades are said to be active within the human body, is when they
are calling a diviner (which are considered servants of the Shades). These signs are
sneezing without a cold and yawning without tiredness and in more advanced stages of the
calling, belching and hiccuping (this is why when someone sneezes the appropriate
response is Thuthunka! meaning, Increase!). A future diviner may also experience pain in
the shoulders, sides, upper back and lower neck. Another sign that one is being called by
the Shades is an inability to sleep at night. (Beglund, 1976) The role of the diviner in
traditional Zulu society is absolutely essential. Diviners are called, ingoma, if male,
and isangoma if female. It is the diviners who interpret the sentiments of the Shades to
their lineage members. Ngubane (1977) proposes that if a woman becomes a diviner she is
possessed by the spirits of her own ancestors not those of her husband. It is therefore
women who marry into a homestead who are suspected of being sorcerers because they do not
fear reprisal from the ancestors of that homestead. However, Berglund (1976) attributes
the vast majority of diviners being women to the fact that they may be called by
ancestral spirits of either their own lineage or that of their husband. Whichever is
correct, both agree that it is important for the diviner to find which ancestor in
particular was responsible for calling them. Ngubane (1977) explains the three types of
diviners in traditional Zulu society, each of which use a different method of
interpreting the desires or dissatisfactions of the Shades. Head diviners are those who
simply listen to the Shades using no material objects. There are also bone-throwers,
diviners who throw bones (usually snake vertebrae) to interpret the wishes of the Shades.
During the initiation of these diviners, they must catch a snake to prove the Shades
protect them as well as for the bones which their teacher will make into a necklace for
them and which will be used in their divination. The most prestigious form of divination
is done by those who can interpret the whistling great ancestors. The diviner sits with
his back to the door of his hut and interprets the whistling sound said to come from the
thatch roof. The literature refers to this type of divination as ventriloquism.
Ventriloquists can charge the highest fees for their services. 
Some diviners equate their dialogues with the Shades as a form of prayer. 
The diviner has the all important task of pointing out the source of disorder within the
society, which may at times make him unpopular among certain members of the community.
Beglund (1976) points out another down side associated with a diviner's life. He explains
that diviners must abstain from many of the small luxuries of life. For example, certain
foods must be avoided and to a certain extent social activities are limited due to the
necessary avoidance of certain hot people (menstruating women, those who have just had
sexual relations, nursing women, pregnant women), because if their shadow falls on the
diviner he could be killed. According to Ngubane (1977) the diviner also gives legitimacy
to a decision or response to a particular crisis. In this way he/she takes the
responsibility for a decision off of the person making the decision and instead reflects
the responsibility onto the ancestral spirits. 
When sickness or misfortune is excessive, meaning to the point of being lethal to the
person, it is no longer attributed to the work of the Shades, but rather the work of a
sorcerer. The traditional Zulu concept of ubuthakathi, evil, is associated with jealousy,
greed, with illegitimate anger at the root. Abathakathi are the doers or evil, or,
sorcerers. According to Ngubane (1977), there are three types of sorcery, night sorcery,
day sorcery and lineage sorcery. 
Day sorcery is always performed by a man who is evil hearted. It is said that the
sorcerer rides backwards, naked on a baboon which he keeps as his familiar (a sort of
subject), and raises the dead to make zombies of them and force them to work in his
fields during the night to gain an advantage over his neighbors. He is jealous and mean
and so he scatters harmful medicine in people's paths. He can make his son a sorcerer
also by incising his rectum and rubbing medicines into the wounds. Ngubane (1977) points
out that traditional Zulu society was very dependent on mutual assistance and sharing and
so it is not surprising that those who appear selfish or malicious are labeled
sorcerers.
Day sorcerers act only in cases of personal animosity, according to Ngubane (1977). They
may be male or female although most are female. This may be due to the fact that women
cannot be either night sorcerers nor lineage sorcerers, or it may be due to the fact that
the main technique used by day sorcerers involves poisoning food and, women being the
ones who handle food all of the time, it would be very easy for them to practice this
sorcery.
Finally there is lineage sorcery which, as previously mentioned, can only be practiced by
men. This is because the sorcerer must be able to sacrifice for himself and women cannot.
The goal of a lineage sorcerer is to deprive the victim of the protection of the
ancestors and thereby expose him to misfortunes and sickness. (Ngubane, 1977)
In general, men are expected to use sorcery to harm other homestead heads, while women
are assumed to use sorcery to harm particular people they are in conflict with. Berglund
(1976) and Ngubane (1977) are in conflict again over the issue of female sorcerers.
Berglund proposes that women may also be night sorcerers and create zombies of the
deceased. He characterizes female sorcerers as being in a constant lustful state and
taking all sorts of lovers, from baboons, to wild cats, to snakes, to a trickster
character who is said to have a penis so large it is slung around his shoulder. Their
goal is always to interfere with other women's fertility. 
There is a very real fear of sorcerers within traditional Zulu society. This is fear is
often associated with women because of the reasons already mentioned (women who marry
into the family are not under the control of that homestead's Shades, women handle much
of the food therefore it would be easy for them to poison it). (Ngubane 1977) One must
have good reason to accuse someone of sorcery and most likely will have already privately
consulted several diviners to confirm his suspicion as well as having made sure that
public opinion would be most likely on his side, before making the accusation in public.
(Beglund, 1976)
There are many material substances which are believed to obtain amandla, power, these
could include stones, vegetation, earth, etc. These powerful materials collectively are
called imithi. Their power is neutral and can be used for good or evil depending on who
is manipulating them. Diviners and herbalists usually work in conjunction with each other
to heal people both physically and psychologically as well as to provide them with
protection from evil. Medicines may be concocted to encourage fertility, success in a
risky undertaking, for courtship purposes, protection of homesteads, to adapt personality
traits, etc. (Berglund, 1976)
There are three symbolically color-coded forms of medicine in traditional Zulu healing
practices. Black medicines are used to drive off darkness, white medicines are used to
fortify and strengthen and green medicines are used to promote healthy growth. These
medicines many times perform a function similar to their physical characteristics or
symbolic significance. For example, roots which have the appearance of male or female
genitalia are eaten by pregnant woman to influence the gender of the child. Snakes are
symbolic of unity and togetherness, therefore snake meat may be given to someone whose
thoughts tend to wander in hopes it will help their thoughts stay together.
Some medicines work oppositely, however, for example, a talkative person may be given
some sheep tongue to eat because the sheep is a quiet creature. Another example is the
common practice of carrying a thorn or a pin to protect oneself from knives or any sharp
thing. (Ngubane, 1977)
If medicines are to function effectively, however, the homestead or community must be
free of all ill-will and disharmony. Since the root of evil is perceived to be due to
anger which is illegitimate, coming from jealousy and envy, Zulu society offers outlets
and safety-valves, according to Berglund (1976) to check and resist the build up of
anger. As previously discussed, there are several ritual events which are preceded by
opportunities for anger to be spoken out and dealt with. There is also the practice of
confession among traditional Zulu. This usually occurs during times of crises or at large
events. Individuals may either feel a need to expose themselves or they may be pressured
by others to confess their jealousy or envy towards another member of the lineage group.
Berglund (1976) describes a bout of confessions at a particular Christmas party he
attended which was preceded by what he, at the time, thought to be a horrible
disagreement between family members. This sort of clearing the air as we Westerners would
call it, has the effect of unifying group members in a very powerful way. 
The traditional beliefs and practices of the Zulu people have developed in a way which
promotes social harmony among its members. This was presumably an adaptive response to
the inevitable competition, jealousy and envy which are associated with situations
created by the pattern of their traditional social structure based on small, polygamous
communities. Jealousy between brothers of different mothers with differing inheritances,
jealousy between co-wives, envy between homestead heads with unequal fortunes, are all
typical situations resulting from this social structure. The belief in ever-present
ancestral spirits who watch over the activities of the homestead creates a sense of
accountability among its members. The requirement that all members of the homestead to be
at peace with one another before social events or medicinal treatment can take place
provides a significant incentive for lineage members to resolve their differences
expediently. This does not allow anger to build up or misunderstandings to go on and on
between members.
Bibliography
References
Berglund, Axel-Ivar. 1976 Zulu Thought Patterns and Symbolism.London: C.Hurst.
Ngubane, Harriet. 1977 Body and Mind in Zulu Traditional Medicine London: Academic
Press.
Vilakazi, Absalom. 1965 Zulu Transformations. Pietermaritberg: University of Natal
Press.